“Warren Kinsella's book, ‘Fight the Right: A Manual for Surviving the Coming Conservative Apocalypse,’ is of vital importance for American conservatives and other right-leaning individuals to read, learn and understand.”

- The Washington Times

“One of the best books of the year.”

- The Hill Times

“Justin Trudeau’s speech followed Mr. Kinsella’s playbook on beating conservatives chapter and verse...[He followed] the central theme of the Kinsella narrative: “Take back values. That’s what progressives need to do.”

- National Post

“[Kinsella] is a master when it comes to spinning and political planning...”

- George Stroumboulopoulos, CBC TV

“Kinsella pulls no punches in Fight The Right...Fight the Right accomplishes what it sets out to do – provide readers with a glimpse into the kinds of strategies that have made Conservatives successful and lay out a credible roadmap for progressive forces to regain power.”

- Elizabeth Thompson, iPolitics

“[Kinsella] deserves credit for writing this book, period... he is absolutely on the money...[Fight The Right] is well worth picking up.”

- Huffington Post

“Run, don't walk, to get this amazing book.”

- Mike Duncan, Classical 96 radio

“Fight the Right is very interesting and - for conservatives - very provocative.”

- Former Ontario Conservative leader John Tory

“His new book is great! All of his books are great!”

- Tommy Schnurmacher, CJAD

“I absolutely recommend this book.”

- Paul Wells, Maclean’s

“Kinsella puts the Left on the right track with new book!”

- Calgary Herald

Lisa being interviewed by CBC outside the courthouse.

What a day!

I have to tell you: when we were before the Justice of the Peace and the Crown early this morning, I wasn’t at all confident we were going to win.  The pre-enquete hearing, as it is called, is not commonplace.  And we were essentially asking the Court to go over the heads of the Toronto Police Service (who had done precisely nothing, for years) and the provincial Attorney-General (ditto) to charge the editor and publisher of the neo-Nazi rag Your Ward News with a criminal offence.  Private prosecutions are pretty rare.

But, in the end, the JP said we were credible witnesses, and that we had “made out a prima facie case.” An order would therefore be made to charge James Sears and Leroy St. Germaine with uttering threats – to wit, saying our family should be “bludgeoned to death.”

I’m very proud of my wife, who handled most of the media with passion and intelligence.  

Just about every media person we spoke to was professional and ethical, and (privately) appalled by how the cops had done zippo, zero, zilch about Your Ward News.  

Here’s just a few of the many, many stories that came out of today’s events.  Now that the battle is underway, there is a lot more to come.

Thanks to all of you who have offered support.  We really appreciate it.

Come throw things at us!




  • Warren Kinsella gives kids a glimpse into the heyday of punk with Recipe for Hate (Dundurn), which details how a group of punks took down a gang of neo-Nazis after the murder of two of their friends.

It’s actually for adults, too, so don’t get fussed about the YA tag.

You can pre-order here. Pre-order multiple copies, even!



I have heard very, very troubling things. This, for example, is extraordinary and pretty damning.

The good folks at the Peterborough Examiner asked him, straight out:

Councillors didn’t debate the prospective sale in public – that happened in closed session. But they did vote unanimously on the plan in the open meeting. Mayor Daryl Bennett voted too.

Bennett is a director of a numbered company that owns the Liftlock Group of companies, which owns land nearby at 728 Rye St.

But in an interview following the meeting he said he doesn’t stand to benefit from the sale.

When asked by The Examiner why he did not declare a pecuniary interest, he said he was “a bit offended” by the question.

“What are you talking about? It has no benefit to me whatsoever,” Bennett said of the property sale.

It’s not national news, but I intend to make this a focus of this little web site for the next while.

Something stinks in Peterborough.

…if they’re Ontario Liberals, that is:

The Liberals are the choice of just 23% of decided and leaning voters — down from 34% — and would secure just nine seats if an election were held now, the pollster projects.

Forum Research found that 44% of decided and leaning voters polled support the Progressive Conservatives and 24% back the NDP.

Those findings would translate into an 87-seat majority for PC Leader Patrick Brown and 26 seats for NDP Leader Andrea Horwath, making her party the official opposition, Forum Research projects.

The Liberals are struggling in their stronghold of Toronto and the GTA, explaining the nine-seat projection, according to Forum.

The requisite caveats:

  • It’s Forum
  • Seat projections are voodoo science
  • No one is paying much attention
  • An election is a year away
  • Wynne’s been counted out before
  • She has a top-notch legislative staff

However, it’s (a) consistent with many other polls over many months (b) Brown now has folks like Velshi and Robertson, et al., who won big for Harper (c) the PCs have a massive money advantage and are using it, and (d) my gut tells me it’s probably about right.

What do you think, O Smart Reader? Comments are open.



Thank Christ, maaaan.

Screen Shot 2017-06-19 at 4.22.32 PM

Undersell and overperform.

Those of us who had the honour and privilege of working for Jean Chrétien knew that aphorism well. It was his mantra, and therefore ours, too.

It worked. Chrétien was never once defeated in his 40 years in the political game. He won three back-to-back majorities, and he was the most popular Prime Minister in the history of polling. He repatriated the Constitution, he defeated the separatists, he kept us out of Iraq. He did okay, you might say. A proof is a proof.

And the reason why he was so successful, politically? Along with being a regular guy, along with being likeable, along with having an innate understanding of what Canadians wanted? Because he undersold and overperformed.

He didn’t brag a lot. He didn’t take credit for the achievements of others. He didn’t make everything about him. He kept quiet when he should, and he stayed out of the papers.

Donald Trump, now under criminal investigation for obstruction of justice, could have benefitted from following Chrétien’s example. He could have survived if he’d kept his mouth shut, just once. But he didn’t. He couldn’t.

Trump’s presidency is now measured in months, not years. Because, as the Washington Post has reported, special counsel Robert Mueller is conducting a criminal investigation into Trump’s conduct on two fronts. One, whether he obstructed justice when he fired former FBI director James Comey. And, two, when he earlier told Comey to “let go” of a criminal probe into the connections between Russia and his campaign team.

When did the Washington Post discover that Trump was under criminal investigation by Mueller’s FBI team? Well, just a day or two after Trump surrogates darkly warned that the Unpresident was seriously contemplating firing Mueller, that’s when.

Cause and effect. Action, reaction. Trump just couldn’t keep his sphincter-like mouth shut – he just couldn’t keep his stubby little thumbs away from Twitter – and he made things markedly worse for himself by threatening Mueller. Now he couldn’t fire Mueller if he tried: it would be a stronger admission of guilt than a signed confession and videotape of the crimes being committed.

Same thing happened with Comey. Trump just could not keep keep quiet. He. Could. Not. Shut. Up.

So, not long he after he fired Comey – because Comey, he knew, was getting perilously close to finding out the truth about the Trump-Putin pact to subvert US democracy – Trump tweeted that Comey better hope “there are no tapes” of their conversations at the White House.

With that, Agent Orange bought himself a world of hurt, on two fronts. One, it prompted Comey to release a highly detailed account of a previously-secret meeting with Trump – a meeting in which the FBI director was directed to drop the Russia inquiries. And, two, it spurred Congress to demand the tapes. (And the disclosure of Oval Office tapes, historians will note, are what brought down Richard Nixon.)

But that is not all. Trump’s mouth and tweets have gotten him in plenty of other messes. To cite just one example: executive privilege. Comey was a federal employee when he met with Trump. Their discussions entirely dealt with sensitive matters, most relating to national security.

Trump, therefore, could have easily invoked executive privilege – a presidential prerogative that would have effectively silenced Comey, and prevented Congress from questioning him on Trump-Comey interactions.

So what did Trump do? He tweeted about his meetings with Comey. A lot. He himself disclosed what was not supposed to be disclosed – thereby giving Comey the pretext for doing so, too. And he eliminated any credible argument for the invocation of executive privilege. How, everyone wondered, could executive privilege happen when the most senior member of the executive has personally violated it?

It goes on and on. His Muslim ban, defeated in serial lawsuits in the Ninth Circuit courts because of Trump’s own words. Lawsuits by two states, in which they claim that Trump has violated the Constitution by benefitting financially from his position – all because he loudly refused to withdraw from his Trump business empire. And, of course, the millions of women (and men, like this one) who marched against Trump the day after his inauguration – because we objected to the foul, feral things that he says and tweets.

All of Donald Trump’s political wounds are the worst kind: they are self-inflicted. Those are always the ones that cut deepest, and are the ones that are usually fatal. He is unlikely to see the inside of a jail cell – his sycophantic Vice-President will pardon him for his crimes, naturally – but he is certain to be drummed out of office. How can it be otherwise? How can it be avoided, now?

It could have been different. It could have been avoided. If Donald Trump had kept his mouth shut – if he had stayed away from Twitter – he could have dramatically improved the odds.

Most of all, if he had simply undersold and overperformed – as Chrétien did – it would have all been so, so different.

He didn’t. He couldn’t. He wouldn’t.

He’s done.