This is kind of cool, if true. A Lennon demo track from 1978 that McCartney had hoped to turn into a Beatles track in 1995. Haunting, to say the least.

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• It’s the last day of August…and survey says the electorate don’t really want anyone to be government.
• Check out that Abacus slide – all three parties are within three points of each other!

• What’s that mean? That means the New Democrats have suffered an (inevitable) drop, the Conservatives and Liberals have benefitted (a little bit).  And it means that no one has (yet) captured the support of a plurality of voters.  Perpetual minority government, here we come!
• The economy is the issue, as seen here and here.  The CBC’s Don Pittis has a smart analysis, here.  It’s logical, Watson: if (a) none of the parties is generating enough enthusiasm to break out of the pack and (b) voters believe the economy is the issue, then (c) that means none of the parties has crafted a winning narrative on the economy yet.
• What is a winning narrative? Well, for starters, coming up with one is always easier to say than to do. Ask God, a.k.a. James Carville.  In 2010, in similar circumstances – coming out of a recession, some sectors/demographics still hurting badly – Carville said this: “The hardest thing to do in all of political communication is deal with a bad, but somewhat improving, economy.” Often, Carville (and others) note, it isn’t about coming up with “the Holy Grail” of economic plans in a confusing communications environment.  If such a quick fix existed, it would have been implemented long ago.
• No, what we have here is a failure to communicate. “You don’t have to change anything, just repackage it as a plan,” Carville advised President Obama back in 2010.  Voters are smart: they know that – for the big-ticket problems, and particularly the economic ones – the problems are myriad, and the range of solutions are myriad-er.  Ipso facto, Keep It Simple Stupid: keep talking, over and over, about two or three easy-to-understand ideas about making the economy better. Harper did that in 2006, 2008 and 2011.  I don’t really see him doing it in 2015.
• People look at the economy through the prism of three things.  To wit: jobs, spending and the well-being of their families. To put together a winning economic story (because facts tell, but stories sell), you need to show folks how you will protect the jobs they’ve got, and how you’ll grow new ones.  You need to help them find a bit of extra cash to spend on something they think they need or want.  And you need to make them feel – make them know – that you can achieve all of that stuff without jeopardizing their future, or their kids’ immediate future.
• Has any of the parties done that?  Nope, not from what I can see from my armchair.  Thus, their current predicament.  None of them has a winning narrative on the economy.  And – not surprisingly – none of them is therefore winning.

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• Took 12 straight hours but I made it home with Sons 1, 2 and 3 last night. Drove through four states and two countries, made three pee stops, was greeted with a pleasant border services guy at the Niagara Falls crossing, and…took two hours to cross Toronto. Traffic was insane. So we went through many TO neighbourhoods. 
• Anecdotal, non-scientific impression? Dippers are winning the sign war, but Grits aren’t doing too badly, either. Conservatives are nowhere. Greens exist, but barely. 
• Signs probably don’t mean a whole lot, but politicos spend a lot of time talking about ’em. When I ran in North Van in ’97, I had more signs up than the Reform Party gremlin I was challenging. That made me and my team feel good. But I still lost in the end, and decisively, too. 
• So signs are useful for forming impressions, but not much else. And the impression me and my very-political sons got is that the Liberal fortress of Toronto isn’t as Liberal as it once was. The New Democrats clearly have momentum. You can see it. 
• You can feel it, too. They are organized and they look and sound confident. There’s a danger in looking too confident, however: you start to appear arrogant. Thus, their anti-C51 campaign. If I’d been running against ’em in Danforth, I would’ve said: “We, like every other democracy, have laws criminalizing hate and genocide. Why does the NDP oppose criminalizing – as every other democracy has done – hate and genocide’s bastard sibling, terror?”
• But that’s just me. The Libs are acting like they are on the defensive on security, and they don’t seem terribly confident about the deficit-financing promise, either. 
• What’s your take? Who is winning the sign war in your ‘hood? Who has momentum in your riding? Oh, and here’s what greeted us at the end of that long, long drive. Was great to see. 

  

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• Deficits, Paul Martin, a sudden surplus, Duffy, polls and pols: it’s open thread time.  
• I’m driving for ten hours today. And my focus will therefore be on getting Sons 1, 2 and 3 safely back to Canada. 
• So, comment away. When we stop for gas or whatever, I will approve your bon mots. 
• Have a great day and a great weekend. And I hope this KCCCC stuff is providing you with a bit of entertainment during the Mother of All Elections!

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• Justin Trudeau has rolled the dice, big time. He says, if elected, he will run big budgetary deficits – $10 billion a year for three years.
• Why did he do it? I suspect he knows that – at this point, at least – he is running third.  Individual horse race polls notwithstanding, any credible synthesis of voting intentions suggest this thing is still between Team Orange and Team Blue. So he figured he had to make a bold move, and he did.
• When all else fails, go left. By just about every economic measure, Trudeau is now running to the left of Mulcair. And he has therefore commenced attacking the NDP leader for being an austerity-loving Thatcherite. Will it work? I don’t think so.
• Trudeau’s deficit pledge requires a fundamental reordering of our thinking on what the parties believe. It was always simple: Conservatuves on the right, New Democrats on the left, and Liberals in the pragmatic middle. Can the ideological underpinnings of a political party change? Of course. But only over a long period of time, with careful reflection and lots of consultation, and certainly not during the middle of an election campaign.
• It helps Trudeau’s opponents. The Conservatives have repeatedly attacked Trudeau for saying that budgets “take care of themselves.” The NDP has been frantically attempting to shift towards the economic middle. With one swift and decisive move, Trudeau has provided evidence in support of the Tory criticism – and has opened up a ton of centrist ideological breathing room for the Dippers.
• That all said, could his deficit gambit work? Maybe. Perhaps. But at this point, it looks a bit dangerous. Justin Trudeau has rolled the dice – and only time will tell if he’s rolled snake eyes.

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• A nice young fellow from iPolitics got in touch with me this week. Some of my friends in other parties, too: Robin Sears, Will Stewart and Tim Powers. We were all asked what the parties should do post-Duffy and post-Labour Day. Here.
• Those guys are smarter than me. Heed what they say. And here’s what they have to say. 
• Robin Sears: “I think this long campaign was a very foolish mistake by the Tories.”
• Will Stewart: With Duffy now adjourned until November, his Conservatives need to “start driving their own message again so they can stop addressing [Duffy] at every campaign stop.”
• Tim Powers: “If part of [the NDP and Liberal] narrative is the government is old, it’s crooked, it’s gone against its core raison d’être, you’re going to keep [Duffy] going.”
• Me? As you guys know too well, I think the only people who care about scandal stuff work in Ottawa or in the nation’s news rooms. They don’t care about Duffy nearly as much as politicos or journos do. They – living in the real world, as they do – think it’s still only about the economy, stupid. And, so far, no one has come up with the winning economic story, have they? Nope. 

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Written by Pierre and me when we were 17 or so; reprised here, 35 years later. We had a very positive view of the future, as you can see.

When I see the faces going by me
And I feel the screams inside of me
And I wonder what they’re thinking now
And I wonder if they think at all

Why, why, do they?
How, how are they?

They say that the times are a-changin’ now
And they say that things are better now
And I see the paper every morning
And I think I like the comics best

I see the way they fucked my world
And I think I love my world
And I want to kill all of them
And I know that that’s their master plan

I am tired and there’s hate inside of me
And I wonder why they murdered me
And I wish I could start all over again
For I’m 18, and I’ve given up

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I can resume my career as a beach sketchbook artist. Later. 

  

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• So, we got hitched down by the ocean. Nothing fancy, lots of family and friends, Hot Nasties reunion, lobster, weather was great. And I got to marry my best friend. Not bad.
• Kind messages were received from Jean Chretien, John Turner, Kathleen Wynne, Dalton McGuinty, John Tory and Laureen Harper. Thoughtful words sent along by lotsa other folks, too, of every political persuasion.
• In attendance at the wedding? Politicians, politicos, hacks and hackettes. And, between courses, there was a lot of gossip about the election taking place back home. Here’s a sampling of observations, synthesized.
• “It’s a bit like an American election.” Down here, primaries and general elections go for month after month after month. There’s tons of advertising, intermittent debates, and very little public attention paid to the proceedings. Sound familiar?
• “It’s the pre-season. Nobody’s paying attention.” Unless and until there is something to persuade them to pay attention – like an exciting candidate (Obama 2008) or a candidate to be angry about/with (Trump 2015) – Joe and Jane Frontporch are much more preoccupied with soaking up the last of summer’s rays, or getting the kids ready for school, or whatever. They simply have not clicked in to this election.
• “Trump represents a new kind of politician, like Rob Ford.” They are angry, populist, and they say whatever pops into their tiny craniums. But there is clearly a constituency for what they are saying, and how they are saying it. In the Canadian election, there is no one like them. Harper is the incumbent, Trudeau has spent more time at 24 Sussex than Harper has, and Mulcair is fully a part of the Central Canadian Establishment, however much he denies it. So who gets the growing Angry Vote?
• Anyway, gotta go. Got a tent to take down, and the remaining rentals to take back. It’s a bit foggy still, but we wish you were all here with us later on, to have a drink down on the beach, and talk politics. Have a terrific day back home. See you tomorrow.

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