In Sunday’s Sun: Quebec, values and history

In the fall of 1936, as the plague of Nazism continued spreading across Germany, Oldenburg issued a decree.

The northern German district had decided to order the removal of crucifixes from public buildings, and even from Catholic schools. For equivalency, Oldenberg’s fascist leaders also ordered that pictures of Martin Luther be taken down in Protestant schools.

While Adolf Hitler had been notionally a Catholic — his mother had been quite devout — his connection to the church was not strong. His interest in churches seemed to be limited to their architecture.

In his treatise, Mein Kampf, Hitler would attack the Catholic Church, denouncing it for being insufficiently concerned by what he called the “racial problem.” While his National Socialist Party charter lamely promoted freedom of religion, Hitler disbanded the Catholic Youth League in his first week as chancellor. Religious education was thereafter discouraged.

When Catholic clergy responded by offering spiritual teaching outside work hours, the Hitler regime prohibited state employees from taking part. And then, in 1936, Oldenberg happened.

A Hitler Youth anthem of the time pithily summed up Nazism’s view: “We follow not Christ, but Horst Wessel; Away with the incense and holy water; The church can go hang for all we care, the Swastika brings salvation on Earth.”

If you are an informed Canadian (generally) and a worried religious Quebecer (specifically), you know where we’re going with this modest history lesson, of course. So let’s get one thing out of the way, right away: Pauline Marois’ Parti Quebecois are not Adolf Hitler’s NSDAP. If you think they are, you’re an idiot.

But when you read about Oldenburg, you perhaps recalled the PQ’s Orwellian-sounding “Charter of Quebec Values.” I know I certainly did.

For the Quebec public sector, Marois wants to ban religious symbols worn by the religious. Proclaiming herself in favour of religious freedom — as the Nazi Party did in its charter — Marois last week declared: “We’re moving forward in the name of all the women, all the men, who chose Quebec for our culture, for our freedom, and for our diversity,” she told a gathering of PQ Youth in Quebec City.

Except that it’s not true. The “charter” will not move Quebec, or Canada, forward one step. It will not advance Quebec’s “culture,” it will strangle it. It will not enhance Quebec’s “freedom,” it will tarnish it. And, most of all, it will not enhance “diversity” — it will, instead, murder it.

As some of us (but not all of us) have written in these pages many times, religions should not run governments — and governments should not run religions. Past measures taken by both the federal and Quebec governments — against Muslims who choose to wear burkas — were a slippery slope, we argued. No less than the Orthodox Jewish leadership in Montreal agreed.

We now know why. Marois’ “vision,” as Quebec’s Jews and Muslims foretold, will create disunity and division. If she figures out a way to get her hateful charter through the National Assembly — where, ironically and hypocritically, a crucifix is prominently displayed — she will stir up sectarian turmoil the likes of which this country has never seen.

Here’s why: To the faithful, religious symbols are not mere ornaments. They are part of their being — literally, part of their identity. To them, Quebec’s intended Charter is the equivalent of hacking off a limb.

Marois should read about Oldenburg. Not for what the Nazis did in the fall of 1936, but for what the people did next. They rose up against the decree against religious symbols. They revolted.

The Nazi Party sent in their propagandists to defend it, but the people of Oldenburg shouted them down. Thousands rallied to end it.

And they did. In a rare defeat for Adolf Hitler and his Nazi Party, the Oldenburg decree was rescinded, never to be attempted again.

People power works, then and now.


Ch-ch-changes

…not the changes referred to in the last-day-in-Maine post, below. For those impatient to hear what “big changes” mean, stay tuned. They are indeed big, and it is my fervent hope they will give various critics a collective heart attack.

In the meantime, one big change is underway this historic weekend: Daughter has arrived at Dal. Her very sad Dad was made sadder when, while sitting on the dock, he looked down and saw her initials carved in the wood.

As one philosopher once said, life moves pretty fast. If you don’t stop and look around once in a while, you could miss it.

20130830-165741.jpg


Ontario’s shame

You have to read the whole story. It is really, really important. Quote:

“Abused, neglected, vulnerable — they should have been protected. Instead, they were deprived of that most precious commodity: A childhood.

This puts all of us to shame.

And it shames us all that our premier is leaving these women in their hellish nightmare, instead of simply saying we are sorry.”

Wynne, Gerretson, the system: all will deeply regret not dealing with this before now. An historic wrong. Mark my words.


In Sunday’s Sun: the best and worst of Trudeau

The best and worst of the Liberal Party of Canada were on full display in the past week.

On the one hand, there was the “race” to be the Liberal candidate in Toronto Centre, which became available when Bob Rae decided to retire from politics.

The behind-the-scenes machinations in Toronto Centre suggest, among other things, that the entire affair has been rigged to favour one candidate over the others.

Even before the race has run its course, in fact, Toronto Centre feels like it has been decided already — and it has left many wondering if Justin Trudeau’s much-celebrated “open nominations” pledge was, among other things, a bit of spin, maybe even a fib.

And then, on the other hand, there was something else entirely, something to make us proud.

There was the selfsame Trudeau, being the first political leader to raise his voice against Parti Quebecois’ despicable plan to prevent public employees — bureaucrats, but also doctors, nurses and teachers — from wearing religious garb and insignia in public.

While Stephen Harper remained silent, and the NDP’s Thomas Mulcair refused to criticize the PQ’s bigoted initiative — calling it only “a trial balloon” — Trudeau excoriated the separatists’ planned stunt, raising it with Premier Pauline Marois, and saying it would render Quebec a laughingstock.

“I don’t think it’s who we are,” Trudeau said, correctly. “I don’t think it honours us to have a government that does not represent our generosity and openness of spirit as a people.”

It was hard to square that Trudeau — the one who has opposed a hateful, undemocratic measure in Quebec — with the one who is muddying democratic principles down in Toronto Centre.

They do not seem like the same person, even though they apparently are.

The Toronto Centre contest, which really isn’t one, recalls the bad old days of the once-great Grits, when earnest and hard-working locals were pushed aside — and out-of-touch aristocrats made their entrance, trumpets heralding their arrival, and the leader’s minions throwing rose petals ahead of them.

The aristocrat, in this case, isn’t Michael Ignatieff, although you could be forgiven for remembering him right about now.

It is Chrystia Freeland, who (like Ignatieff) has lived and worked for years in the U.S., who (like Ignatieff) passed some time at Harvard, who has written books (like Ignatieff) about Russia and the plight of people from a lower station in life, and who (like Ignatieff) is being heralded as a political star by the finest minds of deepest Rosedale.

Trudeau claims, with a straight face, that he is not attempting to engineer the nomination for Freeland — who does not even live in Canada, let alone Toronto Centre. But there is not a Liberal alive who believes him.

The fact that Trudeau professed to favour “open nominations” has made the odour emanating from Toronto Centre even more pungent. His caucus, who have had to endure plenty of indignities in recent years, have been told they must all fight to keep their nominations. No favourites, they were told.

All except Freeland, that is, whose book Trudeau rather fancied.

She therefore gets to have one of the most coveted Liberal nominations in the country. Without, you know, even living in the country.

As we say, it is as disappointing as it is puzzling. There were two Trudeaus stalking the land last week, and one of them we do not like, at all.

We need more of the one who protested courageously a scheme he knows will be popular with many in Quebec.

We need more of the young man who pointed out — unlike Harper and Mulcair — that the Parti Quebecois’ legislated bigotry is both unnecessary and unconstitutional.

What we don’t need, at all, is Michael Ignatieff in pearls — and Trudeau looking the other way, while some of his BMW-driving fixers maul democracy to orchestrate her debut in Parliament.

Early impressions are important, in politics as in life.

The impression Justin Trudeau left us with in the appalling Quebec case was inspiring — even prime ministerial. We applaud you, Mr. Trudeau.

Meanwhile, the impression left by the sordid manipulations in Toronto Centre? It all stinks.

And for that, Mr. Trudeau, we say shame on you.


Sad day

I am taking Daughter and Son One to Boston today. They are flying back to Toronto. Son One is starting hockey camp, and daughter is going to be packing for her first year at Dalhousie.

And so, I have a little boy, Son Three, who is so, so sad that his big sister is going away. You have never met a little boy who loves his big sister as much as mine does. For him, this is such a huge deal.


Internet law, the basics: hyperlinks

For anyone getting harassed by a lunatic threatening to sue them for linking to another web site, note this:

“…the majority held that a plaintiff concerned about mere hyperlinks should sue the publishers of the original articles, who made the material available to the public in the first place.

Hyperlinks are simply references to other content. Think of them as fast footnotes. The reader has to do something to get to the content: by going to the library in an earlier era; or, more easily now, by clicking on a link.

In essence they are content neutral. They don’t express opinion, nor control the site to which they refer. In fact, the content can and often does change after the link is created.”